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THE REAL CHALLENGE FOR THE BLOC QUÉBÉCOIS:
MODERNIZING THE BLUEPRINT FOR SOVEREIGNTY |
The United Alternative may
be prepared to welcome sovereigntists into the fold,
but it is not prepared to accept sovereignty
Daniel Turp
Pierre Brien
Pierre De Savoye
Francine Lalonde
Bloc Québécois MPs
In light of recent developments in the
Canadian and Quebec political landscapes, in particular the outcome of the November 30,
1998, election, the Bloc Québécois has to update its blueprint for sovereignty and
contribute in a useful way to the process of determining Quebecs political future
and efforts to defend Quebecs economic, social and cultural interests. Rodrigue
Biron and Gérard Latulippe have called on the BQ to take part in the creation of a United
Alternative, but we feel it is inappropriate for the Bloc to take what would amount to a
giant step backward in terms of opportunities for sovereigntists to promote their
political agenda on the federal stage.
The people of Quebec will be that much more
open to the sovereigntist option if the Bloc Québécois focuses its attention first and
foremost on modernizing its blueprint for a new country. In this context, the Bloc
Québécois has to devote its energy to linking sovereignty with the phenomenon of
globalization and explaining the factors that still make statehood a powerful advantage
within the international community. The Bloc Québécois also has to update its proposal
for partnership and come up alternatives to the economic and political partnership that
was offered in 1995. It can lay before its more militant members the prospect of a closer
union or a less integrated association with Canada or even other states or communities of
states. The Bloc Québécois has to consider not only the sovereignty of Quebec, but also
the sovereignty of its people within the state of Quebec, and then foster a real debate
over democracy and the different ways democracy can be expressed in a sovereign Quebec.
The Bloc Québécois, like its other partners
in the sovereignty movement, is not committed, unlike the Reform Party and proponents of
the United Alternative, to ousting the Liberal Party of Canada from power in Ottawa. Nor
is it up to the Bloc Québécois to help other existing federal parties come to power, the
parties that in March 1998 unanimously supported Jean Chrétiens Liberal Party in
backing Jean Charest as the Quebec Liberal leader. The Bloc Québécois has twice proven
that it can defeat all the federalist parties in Quebec, the Liberal Party foremost among
them, and that Quebeckers prefer to have the BQ defend its interests in Ottawa. The Bloc
will continue to defend Quebecs interests and demand that the powers assigned to
Quebec by the Constitution of Canada are respected. It will also work, as it did on the
issues of manpower and labour training and language-based school boards, to consolidate
those powers, something only a sovereigntist government in Quebec City has managed to do
in the past decade.
But the primary objective of the Bloc
Québécois must continue to be to promote Quebec sovereignty. That objective is not
incompatible with the need to carry on a constructive dialogue with Canadians of all
political stripes and offer them a mutually beneficial partnership. This is one of the
components of the plan for the future of Quebec to which the Bloc Québécois has made a
significant contribution and on which the Bloc can continue to work in a decisive manner
because of its place on the political stage. But certainly not at the expense of the
promotion of sovereignty, an idea that the Reform Party and proponents of the United
Alternative have never wanted to include in their discussions, apart from the fact that
they refuse to recognize the very existence of a Quebec people.
The United Alternative may be prepared to
welcome sovereigntists into the fold, but it is not prepared to accept sovereignty. It
would be surprising if they did. The thought of Preston Manning promoting sovereignty in
western Canada during a future election campaign under the banner of the United
Alternative is matched only by the thought of the outcome. The results would be worse than
the last "beau risque". The sovereigntists have already taken the chance of
working with other federalist parties in the hope of seeing Quebec take its rightful place
within the Canadian federation. The lessons learned from the "beau risque" seem
to be completely lost on those who advocate sovereigntist participation in the United
Alternative. One of those lessons, not the least among them, gave rise to the Bloc
Québécois, a party which added a new weapon to the strategic and political arsenal of
Quebec sovereigntists and which, despite what its detractors might say, has not lost any
of its relevance or legitimacy.
Taking the federalist gamble again with the
Reform Party or the United Alternative would be turning a blind eye to the experience the
BQ has gained on the federal scene over the past eight years, which tends to indicate a
real will to centralize the federal governments powers. In that sense, careful
reading of the Reform Partys plan for a New Canada, which is the main inspiration
for proponents of the United Alternative, shows that the Reform Partys proposals
would do nothing to stop the centralization process. The Reform Partys position on
issues like the social union is not entirely without ambiguity, like its position on
sectoral constitutional issues over which the Bloc Québécois has closed ranks with the
Quebec government to get what no federalist Quebec government managed to get before.
With the human and materiel resources
available to it, and with the strong support it continues to get from the public, as
witnessed by the outcome of the by-election in Sherbrooke and the latest opinion polls,
the Bloc Québécois can develop proposals to modernize the blueprint for sovereignty. It
can thus contribute to the debate the entire sovereigntist movement must undertake in
1999. The best alliance for the Bloc Québécois is still the alliance which it has always
had with the Parti Québécois and in which the Partenaires pour la souveraineté, and
through them civil society as a whole, must be involved in a lasting way. The United
Alternative will never accept sovereignty. This means that an alliance with the proponents
of the United Alternative will not give the sovereigntists new tools that will help them
attain their legitimate main goal, which is political sovereignty for Quebec.


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